Uganda Diaspora Radio

This is my story.


This is a gripping personal story written by Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions at Office of The Director of Public Prosecutions Mr. Charles Elem Ogwal Agea.This ranks as one the best and thrilling brief biography of this talented brother,i pray a publisher will be knocking on his doors pretty soon.

And this is a story of 40 years ago. A story that rekindles raw emotions and reflects on resilience that saw a journey of triumph over adversity and the cruel later days of a relentless campaign to sensitise an evil that was. It is my story of a great and life changing tragedy in a teenager’s life.

This is my story.

My story begins in February 1977. The background to my story, however, starts in the early 1960s when I was born to the Late Charles Dundas Ogwal-Agea and his wife; Gertrude Joyce Awelo.
Charles Dundas Ogwal-Agea was popularly known as CD and to the immediate family as Idon. He stood 6 foot 5 inches, was light skinned and had very long hair that was always well-kempt. He was a member of the Luo speaking Lango tribe of Northern Uganda and bound together by language with the Luo speaking Acholi tribe that neighboured them to the North.
Having started as a teacher, he upgraded and joined the civil service, was promoted through the ranks and in early 1974 being District Commissioner, Kampala, was promoted to the Uganda Civil Service rank of Undersecretary and posted to Fort Portal as Provincial Executive Secretary, Office of the Governor, western Province.

And I had done my Primary Leaving Examinations in November 1973 and been admitted to Senior One at Kololo High School. And I was looking forward to joining this school dreaming of being chauffeured to studies every morning since my father was the District Commissioner, Kampala.
But having been posted to Fort Portal, my father tagged me along with him and my admission to senior one was transferred to Nyakasura School in Fort Portal. I had never heard of Nyakasura School and resented the idea of moving from Kololo to what I then considered some unknown Backwater.
The regrets were short lived. Nyakasura turned out to be a splendid school and the cold Fort Portal weather was one of the best things to happen to me. Here the weather allowed easy mental work as opposed to the debilitating heat of Northern Uganda.

My father had a policy of keeping all his children to study at the nearby Canon Lawrence College Demonstration Primary school, Boroboro, just a stone’s throw away from the family home he had constructed. That meant just him and me from the family; just the two of us travelled to this foreign land while the rest of the family remained put in Boroboro, Lira District.
And in Fort Portal, the Governor and immediate boss of my father was Colonel Joseph Ozo. Remember him? He of the infamous interview; and that due to his modest education when introduced by the journalist interviewing him as a Lieutenant- Colonel objected to the apparent demotion and clarified that he was not a mere Lieutenant colonel but a full colonel. His heavy accent amused the moderator who ‘agreed’ with him and quipped; “Oh Yes. You are a Fool, Colonel!”
And my father was an easy going friendly person who spoke at the loudest of his voice, had a deep infectious laugh and liked to party. So on most Saturdays Ozo and other friends would come for barbeques and whisky swigging at our home in Boma, Fort Portal town.

Ozo was a short thickset obese man who reminded me of a toad sitting down because of bee stings. His face was puffed up as if the bees had left him for dead. Ozo was also a man conflicted with his own life story and the story of Armoury Sergeant Okwera.

And Ozo would sit with my father and say; “Ogwal, am happy we are sitting here with you and enjoying ourselves regardless of our tribes because targeting a tribe for elimination does not work at all. We tried it in Moroto but only ended in pain and suffering to us the perpetrators as well”.

And the story of Moroto was very bloody…
And here is part of that story as told to me by the Late Captain Sam Ongom-Enin, who was a brother-in-law of Idi Amin Dada. He was the elder brother of Mrs. Nora Amin. Ongom and his sister were from the Lango tribe that was also the tribe of the overthrown President Apolo Milton Obote. Though largely recruited by the British colonialists who believed the Northern tribes made good soldiers, the Acholi and Langi continued with their dominant numbers throughout the 1962-1971 reign of Milton Obote.

Amin however, came from a society west of river Nile in Northern Uganda composed of the Kakwa, the Lugbara, the Madi and Aringa boosted by Nubians and other ethnic tribes from the Present DRC and Southern Sudan. Luo speaking Alur tribe though physically located in West Nile remained on the periphery. These tribes save for the Alur did not share any relationship with the Acholi and Lango tribes that they saw as supportive to the ousted Milton Obote and posed an existential threat to the incoming regime.

The final solution to this perceived threat to the new government was simple, straight forward and brutal; Kill all Acholi and Langi soldiers.

And this is the story of goings on at Moroto Barracks, Late January 1971 as narrated by Captain Sam Ongom Enin;
“A bugle call was made following an army coup of 25 January 1971. We all fell in line and stood at attention in the military parade. However a feeling of uneasiness developed when orders were made at the parade that all Langi and Acholi officers and men be disarmed, separated from the rest and to stand on one side while the other tribes were to remain in the main parade. And to await further instructions to come from the Commanding Officer who was on his way from Kampala. The commanding Officer was then Lt. Colonel Joseph Ozo, a son of the new ruling clique from West Nile.
Most soldiers were puzzled at this unusual order but took it perhaps that they would only be ordered to be vetted for any dangerous connection with the overthrown regime of Milton Obote, their tribes mate. Officers and men from the two tribes stood obediently in line and waited for orders to come from Ozo, most of them appeared bemused.
Soon in the distance, there appeared the army-green Mercedes-Benz that was the official car of the commanding officer. It was going faster than usual, the Uganda Army Moroto flag colours flapping rapidly on its fender.
It came to a screeching halt in front of the assembled men. Out of it leapt the squat toad like figure of Ozo. He glared with rage and hate at the Langi and Acholi tribes mates grouped to one side, then spat forcefully on the ground and asked menacingly; “what are you still waiting for? Kill all of these scoundrels!”

And army colleagues from the other tribes set about bayonetting and subduing the Acholi and Lango as members of their families housed in the barracks wailed uncontrollably in the background. However, Ozo suddenly appeared to have remembered one thing and issued a command to stop. For he had orders that in his haste to blood let, he was about to violate. And this was because the orders were to be obeyed strictly. And the other was; “Kill All Langi and Acholi soldiers in Moroto except my muko, Sam Ongom-Enin.”

And now when the order to spare Ongom-Enin came, all the Langi and Acholi soldiers started shouting, each and every one of them claiming to be Ongom-Enin. It took some effort to identify Sam. Eventually this was done. And the gruesome orgy of death resumed leading to the entire population of Langi and Acholi soldiers in Moroto barracks being massacred in cold blood.

But not really all of them perished for one man remained alive, that was Okwera. Because armoury sergeant Okwera, an Acholi tribesman who spoke little had smelt a rat immediately after the coup due to what he had heard had taken place in Jinja barracks; that a massacre of Lango and Acholi tribesmen had been orchestrated there. He did not therefore fall-in line as ordered.

And because Okwera was a loner who kept to himself and never socialized, it was assumed that he was a member of the other Luo speaking tribes not yet targeted at that time; tribes like Alur, Kumam, Jo Phadolla and Jabwor. So the perpetrators of the murders let him be.

And because Acholi and Langi soldiers were the majority in the barracks, an empty eeriness filled the barracks as transportation was arranged to convey the recently widowed women and orphaned children back to their birth places. And as well to create space for new recruits to be brought in from the new president Idi Amin’s ethnic communities.
Unnoticed and unsuspected, Okwera had a plan for the new recruits that largely came from the lands of West Nile and beyond the borders. And he watched them curiously as they were brought to fill in the empty voids caused by the massacre of his brothers and then he set his plan in motion.

One fine morning as all the recruits were assembled in the dining hall for breakfast, Sergeant Okwera locked and secured the armoury and carried to the hall at least three chain-fed submachine guns, as much ammunition as he could carry plus numerous side arms and grenades. As quite as his nature was, he entered the mess and deliberately locked the door behind him, set on a revenge massacre. And at the end of it all, no recruit was left alive.

Okwera then retreated to Mount Moroto into a cave that he had set up and its approach rigged with explosives while the entrance was made into machine gun nests; and he settled down and waited for whoever would dare pursue him.
And the men from Moroto barracks followed him but were taking too many casualties in trying to neutralize him from his vantage point that it was found necessary to enlist the bomber squads from the Uganda air force that flew in to pulverize the defensive cave of armoury sergeant Okwera.

Traumatised Lieutenant Sam Ongom-Enin was eventually promoted to captain and posted to Uganda’s embassy in Cairo as military attaché.”

And the story of Sam Ongom-Enin for the moment is taken up by Colonel Joseph Ozo.
“Wuyu Acholi Okwera alikuha asikari mbaya saana…” he says in Kiswahili meaning ‘That Acholi Okwera was a very bad soldier…’ And Ozo continues; in every community there are bad people willing to do bad things to those who do bad to them. For such people will not believe in turning the other cheek. Ozo, now reformed, went on to lecture about the futility of genocide as a means of subduing a group for it seems only to make them stronger and more determined. He had learnt his lessons. Obviously this attitude was not good for the regime he served, and he was soon relieved of his duties to be replaced by Supedritnedent of Prisons, Owori, a man from Tororo as Governor.

And in Fort Portal, there was Major Juma Aiga from West Nile who was the District Commissioner. Aiga was a bespectacled, lean man of extremely dark complexion who seemed to shiver perpetually from the coldness of Fort Portal. He suffered from a very painful condition of the feet that with my experience, I now believe was gout. He would limp crying like a baby to Dr, John Peter Ayeni, a Lango medical doctor who was our immediate neighbor in Boma, Fort Portal.
And on Friday 11 February 1971, five days short of my 16th Birthday, the news came late in the evening. And the news was that the deputy governor, the lame man had been abducted from his office by state operatives riding in a Volkswagen Kombi.

My father had a motor accident in 1972 in which he broke his leg. Though the operation was successful, his shattered bone could not be restored to its full length. He thus walked with a limp. And the people that did not know him believed he was lame. And since he was second in hierarchy in the Governor’s Office, it was also assumed that he was the deputy governor.
Fellow students started streaming to commiserate with me; saying ‘Kyaali’ a Lutooro word for sorry. But I was in denial. How could this tall strong handsome man just disappear like that? Surely my father would somehow charm his way back to us. It was all so incredulous. Leaving home and studying hard to take a good report to an adored parent but instead comrades are saying; ‘sorry, you have lost him!’

And the next day, Saturday 12 February, I went home. As I walked through town, everything was so normal and tranquil. In one shop blared the vinyl musical record hit Baluti by Ochestra Veve, a hit song I had asked my father to buy and that I was looking forward to play repeatedly on the family record player at home. Those days we used vinyl record discs and this was one of the hits from the famous Congolese musician, Verckys Kiamungana popularly known as Veve with his series; editions veve.
Fort Portal was at peace with itself as the tales of people being kidnapped and their heads chopped off to let then Zairean President, Marsall Mobutu construct a palace out of the skulls died down. Those who were barricading themselves in the houses at sunset in fear had become bolder.

The town seemed oblivious to my turmoil. Life appeared routine and peaceful except for my suffering soul. When I reached Boma, reality hit me afresh.

My father had indeed been abducted and his personal effects including a wrist watch, wallet, personal car keys, socks and shoes and the tie he wore were all brought back home by his office secretary. Since all my siblings and mother studied and resided in our hometown, Lira and I was the only person living in Fort Portal with him, these personal items were handed over to me.

And then the bombshell of reality exploded, giving me no time for self-pity but launching me into a self-perpetuation mode. Neighbours advised me to immediately disappear; for the district commissioner, Major Juma Aiga had sworn that at the end of the exercise that commenced with the killing of my father, no Lango or Acholi tribesman would be left in ‘his district’.
And they told me of the fate of my father’s driver. David Etii, from Lango who resided in the neighboring boys quarters of our neighbor, Dr. JP Ayeni, also from Lango.

This is the Doctor who was always on hand to treat Juma Aiga when the excruciating pain from his feet condition visited him. He would run to Dr. Ayeni any time, day or night crying for the alleviation of his pain. He knew where to get Dr. Ayeni at his work place. He knew where the good doctor socialized and even knew the window of his bedroom to call him at night when the pains came.

That Friday afternoon, Major Juma Aiga looked for Dr. Ayeni in all those places and did not find him. And the anger inside him welled up for this time, along with a section of soldiers, he was not looking for him to alleviate the pangs of probably gouty arthritis. Major Juma Aiga was hunting down Dr. Ayeni to be killed along with all the Langi in ‘his district’ of Fort Portal.
And when Juma Aiga checked in all the nooks in the magnificent two story residence of the modern medicine man and did not find him, he turned his attention to the boys quarters where he found David Etii the driver. When David could not produce the doctor, the poor innocent driver was bayoneted to death. Major Juma Aiga could not find the man of healing because the good souls in Buhinga Hospital where Dr. Ayeni worked, having learnt of the nefarious, evil plan to murder him had smuggled him out of the hospital then to Zaire and eventually to end up plying his medical trade in the United Kingdom.
And the fear escalated in my little heart. Major Aiga had rounded the Langis and Acholi civil servants, army, police and prisons officers and killed all he got. And as the hunt for teachers commenced, teachers like Moses Otyek escaped from Kyebambe Girls’ School to later end up, much much later after Amin had long gone as a commissioner in the Ministry of Education.

And it is incumbent upon Apwony Moses Otyek to tell his story…
And then Major Aiga the District Commissioner set his sight on secondary schools and we were told any time they were coming for us. Teachers organized for us to be hidden in the Dark Room; a room meant for developing camera films given the technology of the day.

And among us was Julie Acio, now a Registrar at the High Court whose brother, the late Olugo was also murdered together with the late Lakayana Acika, secretary, Hima town board and a great friend of my father at the same time.
Threatened and cowed, we persevered till the killing wave passed.
And when Juma Aiga tells his story, he will be reminded of the story of Colonel Joseph Ozo and he must tell his story in the context of his actions in Fort Portal and in relation to post 1979 violence in West Nile region when militia from Lango and Acholi walked armed in his homeland…

And probably, the futility of ethnic or tribal targeting will become at once exposed as only sowing seeds of cyclic bloodletting.
Much as I understand fairly clearly the raw emotions involved, I personally had to reflect in the same period the base nature of human beings, which in a large measure has shaped my attitude not to look at people with a tribal or ethnic lense.
Subsequent to my father’s abduction, my mother eventually came to Fort Portal to gather the remains of his property, a Mutooro businessman named Balinda who claimed to be one of his tight buddies tricked her that he was going to put fuel in my father’s beloved Peugeot 504 car to enable transportation to Lira and disappeared with it to date.
And a Lango colleague and supposed friend of my father, who had escaped, somehow tricked and convinced her to give him for safekeeping, the AKAI family music system and the Phillips record player which he would deliver to Lira. He ended up stealing these most treasured objects in a teenager’s life.

And I am glad the people in his constituency refused to give this low-life scoundrel a chance to represent them in Parliament. Oh Yes; he stood as a parliamentary candidate!
And yet another now high profile Lango with whom they shared a land title swindled his beneficiaries out of their inheritance.
Ethnicity and tribe is really but just an identity illusion that may temporarily be used against a community or individuals that usually have little in common within themselves.
But the Lord works in mysterious ways. When circumstances thus forced me to relocate to my home district to continue with my studies and to abandon Nyakasura School, I received a letter post-marked Fort Portal.
And the letter was from Violet, my first love who hails from Toro. And the later said; “Charles you made me pregnant in January and we have a son… “God is Indeed Great.
The year he took away my father is the same year he gave me the present I least expected; a son in apparent replacement.
And the son I named after my father is looking great and doing great, just like his grandfather. In the civil Service he is just one step before the rank of Under Secretary/Commissioner. And myself, orphaned that early in life, have already surpassed that rank
And the mystery that is life continues


Uganda Diaspora P10 puts Mwenda’s hogwash in Context


Uganda Diaspora P10 puts Mwenda’s hogwash in Context.

Uganda Diaspora P10
In dramatically dispensing his unsolicited advice to the Opposition fraternity, Mr Andrew Mwenda raised pertinent issues that actually exposed him and his kind of corrupted journalism and intellectualism. First, the deliberate target of Mr Mwenda’s campaign is the person of Col (Rtd) Dr Kizza Besigye (KB). The central premise of the message is that the KB is the problem of the Opposition. He goes on to arrogate that Dr KB has failed to mobilise the masses effectively to defend his purported victories have always been stolen by the dictator. Mwenda lavishes the tyrant pleasantries as a master of intrigue, manoeuvre, and sabotage. These frivolous qualities have suddenly fascinated Mwenda!
 Mwenda might have raised an issue or two in his diatribe, for instance, that the Opposition demonstrates a weak capacity to mobilise resources, defend its interests and ally on principle to challenge the over 30 years’ hegemony of Mr Museveni. While these are noble observations, one must read Andrew Mwenda carefully and repeatedly between the lines not to miss the grains in his propaganda.
It is important to engage Mwenda in public debate even if he has already framed Pro-KB agents and sympathisers with some uncharitable names while claiming moral superiority for himself. Most importantly, in positioning himself as an authority whose views must sway society, Mwenda needed to declare a conflict of interest, and at the least, display some scintilla of honesty in his analysis of political developments and its bottlenecks in Uganda.
To begin with, Mwenda needed to declare that his mission is not to do good to the Opposition. His mission is to exact public relations strategies intended to portray Dr Kizza Besigye as an incompetent leader; a power angry person with a draconian personality. The aim is to shift KB’s support base and diminish it in totality. In doing this, Mwenda pursues two concurrent objectives; to legitimise the stolen Presidency of Mr Museveni, and to frame KB as the enemy of economic development for donors and foreign investors to cooperate with a regime they despised and shunned since February 2016. If we let Mwenda go away with his travesties, as he has always, we shall have acted as if we are not privy to the slightest moments of the meetings that go on on the 6th floor of Park Royal since February 15th, 2016, and ends up with media bash of KB.
In regards to the political posturing of Dr Kizza Besigye, Mwenda has no authority to dismiss KB as if it is Mwenda who determines who is effective in Opposition politics or not. Even in his dubious claims that KB should leave the scene for another performer, Mwenda fails to single out any Opposition figure who has the temerity, courage and charisma in the proportions of KB. Neither does Mwenda offer himself to take charge of the Opposition! In exposing his dishonesty, Mwenda fails to recognise that nobody quit the political scene for KB to enter and dominate, and therefore, anyone better than KB must break the political ceiling solely on accounts of merit, and nothing other.
In 1999 when KB released his famous Memo that catapulted him as opposition leader, the Opposition was literally dying out. Dr Kawanga Ssemogerere had tried to unseat President Museveni in 1996 in vain. Dr Ssemogerere’s leadership was wanting, and yet he was the best bet that the Opposition was left with. Like KB and JPAM, Dr Ssemogerere also broke ranks with the dictator. In Ssemogerere, power started shifting to old turks like Ssebaana Kizito and rogues like Nasser Ssebalagala.  There were a vacuum and KB filled that vacuum as we know that nature abhors a vacuum.That kind of leadership and the ever-shrinking opposition is what Mr Museveni thrived on to become increasingly indifferent to change messages.
Even within DP, when Hon. Norbert Mao emerged as a leader, he was not ordained into leadership as Mwenda suggests. Hon Mao Left Makerere University and contested in bitter and yet dramatic campaign against seasoned politician and DP stalwart, the late Andrew Adimola. The two contested against each other twice; for the CA and the subsequent Parliamentary seat. When Mao defeated Adimola, the latter conceded and retired. Everywhere one goes, political space has never been conceded willingly. It is pressure, from either internally and externally that forces an establishment to change structurally, vertically and horizontally in ranks and files. To say with such infantile absurdity that KB must leave politics for others to manage is indeed a dishonesty and betrayal of natural justice.
It is important to note also that since the legal notice #1 of 1986, and the subsequent banning of political party activities in Uganda, outside of the Party Headquarters, using the draconian articles 269 and 270, political parties lost their roots in the countryside that NRM inherited. Opposition Politics remained active in Kampala where Party headquarters were during those years and still is. This pattern persists nearly two decades since the removal of Party ban. The dysfunction within Opposition groups, therefore, is not the making of KB as a person. It has roots in the design and galvanising of political space by the NRM to benefit the tyrant.
The KB kind of politics, therefore, is reinventing grassroots political mobilisation through a non-violent defiance and people are responding. People are now starting to relate to the mainstream politics after being reduced and curtailed to the local council politics for decades. The lack of civic engagement partly explains the pervasive corruption and lack of political accountability in the country. Mwenda does not factor historical and social development of the last three decades in his strange advice to evade scrutiny. In his obscurity, Mwenda evades explaining how historical forces outlined conjure up to shape the political space that KB and his FDC people occupy today. And, the challenges awaiting his miraculous KB replacement.
An important aspect of our politics is its infatuation with militarism. Mwenda knows that President Museveni is firmly in power because of his personalised army commanded by son, in-laws, and relatives. The 2016 Presidential elections demonstrated the disenfranchisement within the army itself where we saw a significant section of the army voting openly against the dictator. The forces that shape politics within Uganda and in FDC have played out similarly. When Muntu was elected to lead FDC against Mr Nathan Nandala Mafabi, the main issue was about his military rank, history of service, and reputation as an incorruptible leader. While Mafabi was the better choice to transition FDC from militarism to civilian leadership, another confounding factor played against Mafabi – Regionalism. In Uganda, the power centre is firmly skewed and planted in the West. The West is also the place where enormous national resources (wealth) have accumulated in the past three decades to influence political power.
The aforementioned forces make Besigye and Muntu formidable and appealing forces within the Ugandan political space. Had it been for traditions, one would expect that since the formidable forces that ever challenged the leadership of Mr Museveni came from within his ranks, John Patrick Amama Mbabazi could have performed much better and sent KB into oblivion. In fact, the whole essence of the TDA formation was to galvanise the political space to deny KB the support of traditional political forces within the Opposition ranks. What we saw during and after the elections, should have taught Mwenda that by comparing KB’s political styles with that of Mr Museveni is like comparing apples and bananas. We also saw how the moribund anti-Besigye political forces under TDA were humiliated under its umbrella organisation of TDA. If Besigye is irrelevant or an obstacle, then why did JPAM’s candidacy collapse so miserably on its face given that JPAM led an opposition group separate from KB and FDC?
One could explain that JPAM with his TDA vehicle gathered the old battered political forces that many Ugandans are conditioned to despise and fear given the bedevilling done on them by NRM. The truth is, Ugandans have moved beyond the traditional Parties and a new ideological attraction is needed. KB remains a formidable bridge to this post-Museveni future of non-violent, demilitarised politics. The other question that Mwenda never answers is why Besigye gets the votes that he always gets, and why the NRM always steals Besigye’s votes. It was established that 52% of the voters including serving military officers, Police, and civil servants, voted for Dr Kizza Besigye. This is the basis of the demand for electoral and vote audit which Museveni cannot fathom. Why does the NRM become fidgety and nervous whenever we approach elections and organise rigging if KB is an ineffective leader as Mwenda wants us to believe?
Before I make a conclusion, it is important to note, and rightly praise Dr Kizza Besigye on two accounts. One such is being consistent; the second is choosing defiance, a non-violent civil disobedience campaign to challenge all facets of the tyranny in Uganda. In comparing the zeal and motivation of KB and Mwenda, one sees a measured character in the former, and a troubled soul in the latter. My readers ought to understand that KB stands between a potential genocide and a civil peaceful movement for change in governance. Dr KB’s change formula does not entertain a thought of smashing the pillars of the state. KB professes that Uganda has a political problem, not a military one and refuses to use force to bring about change. KB plans to systematically transform and revitalise the pillars of the state so they become subordinate to civilian rule and the rule of law.
It is important to point that the UPDF and other armed state agents are configured under the command of Mr Museveni to commit genocide beyond what was in Rwanda, DRC or elsewhere in the world. Mwenda knows this well. Given Mwenda’s dishonesty, albeit deliberate as a spin-doctor, he continues to provoke KB into touching a button that will change the contours of Uganda’s political life through bloodbath for eternity.
We must be grateful to KB for his consistency, sharp mind, and courage to suffer on our behalf. I can tell you that even before his assassination; Martin Luther King, Jr was not a famous man, especially among those Negroes whose comfort he destabilised, and the dominant white, whose powers he challenged with the words of hope and endurance.
In conclusion, Andrew Mwenda is a cheap mercenary who deserves neglect and contempt. Mwenda is trying hard to obscure the wounds created in our conscience by the February 2016 fraudulent elections. If the political space in Uganda is ripe for contestation, Darwin’s, and not Mwenda’s law should suffice. A competent and highly organised person with a more convincing message and strategy should rise up on his or her own merit to challenge the status quo, without ordaining. Further, the kind of Mwenda journalism, now popularised as Mwendaism signifies the kind of rogue journalism bereft of objectivity and that, which panders to paid interest of the highest bidder is immoral. In as much as Mwenda would like us to believe that KB is a political problem, it is, in fact, the flip-flops, scoundrels and avaricious clowns like Mwenda known for Statehouse-to-Statehouse-to-street bidding. Let Mwenda volunteer himself to lead the Opposition, or at the least, form his own Party, even if a briefcase one to contest in 2021. Otherwise, many Ugandans are silently satisfied, confident and in complete solidarity with Dr Col Kizza Besigye in this struggle.
Written by UG-P10 Publicity team

Clash of the 2 small time titans.



I am utterly enjoying this tussle between these 2 small time titans, other may call it intellectual exchange but I object to that notion.To me, it is more like LUGAMBO exchange were educated grown up between one overly spoil t adult and another adult who was pushed off the gravy boat.

We need a newer and better kind of politics for our generation. I think it was Hon. Amanya Mushega, then of Igara East constituency, in his characteristic debating style in the 1993-1995 constituent assembly deliberations, who said: “Mr Charles Rwomushana from Rujumbura, suffers from schizophrenia and no one should give what he says any bit of attention”. Amanya had been a minister for Education and Sports at a time when the Makerere university guild led by Rwomushana was advocating for reinstatement of “boom” or student allowances, as it was then termed, and had had a difficult time understanding the kind of politics, leadership and general direction Rwomushana was taking the students guild. While I really don’t like to be drawn into facetious bickering over the mental status of my brother and friend, with the latest missive Charles Rwomushana penned about me and some of the words I have heard on air in the past from him, Hon. Mushega seems, with hindsight, to have been prescient in his assessment.

First things first: It is a low mental and social threshold for a man to wish death or rejoice in the death, real or imaginary, of another human being, later alone that of a friend or his spouse. This, in spite of whether that friend might be ideologically and politically standing with or opposed to you. It is a very low moral turpitude and goes against the grain of any form of spiritual, cultural or social relations since man begun to walk the earth. I would certainly not even entertain such a thought, let alone wish or appear in the corner of those who celebrate such thinking about friends or foes. None of us on earth orders life or takes it away. It hasn’t been our realm as human beings at all, thus far and If anyone does it, they are pretty presumptuous; they tempt fate for their own lives. But, it is the substantive argument running in Rwomushana’s message that somehow aggravates me and to which I thought, for the benefit of the readers, I needed to do this reply, reluctantly as I have, against the advice of many of my friends and colleagues who read his missive. First, he assumes a sort of joint family governance in politics, a contrived monarchical type of thinking that shouldn’t come from someone who has gone to school. He seems to say since Rwabwogo is married to a relative of one of our leaders, he, therefore, together with his wife and children should carry the responsibility for the mistakes of the governing group in the Movement.

This argument along with the theatrical choice of words he uses, isn’t only severely atrophied but lacks any intellectual exactitudes, it is devoid of a factual and moral base and bears no hope. If it weren’t for its ridiculousness, I perhaps wouldn’t have sought to answer it. Here is an explanation for Charles and people who think like him: Governance is a class struggle between capital and Labour; capital coming from those who own the means of production (land, machinery and factories and have converted them to both soft-(money) and hard capital- (equipment) and Labour (those who seek to work for capital and in the process transit from the working class (proletariat) to new classes such as the middle class and eventually morphs into the owners of the very capital employing them and later into the upper class). It is this struggle that generates the nature and type of ruling class a country has along with the systems and institutions of government that it runs on. This struggle between these two elements progressively builds social norms and values that give us the much cried about democratic behavior among leaders. In Africa, the peculiarity of our situation is that this kind of struggle wasn’t there in the first place or in the right volume/tenor or it happened, If at all it did, in a rather different way. The absence of this struggle means that the military (even if it is a civilized, conscientize and politically mature as the UPDF) becomes the foundation of state because many of the other institutions are either young, weak or have been obliterated in a civil War . In Uganda, Rwanda and Ethiopia for example, where there was outright military victory (1986, 1994 and 1991 respectively), this is the kind of situation that obtains. If you remove the facade, it is the army that holds the state structure and not other institutions. In South Africa under its unique circumstances, where there was a negotiated settlement and the military wing of ANC (umkoto we site) didn’t achieve an outright win, capital belongs to the white people and the black people use both their numbers and state power to negotiate for it.

The unravelling of the ANC is clear to all and sundry today on account of lack of control of the means of production. I should add that the military tries as much as it can to cede some of the elements of its power to the civilian institutions such as Parlaiment for it to be able to govern. These institutions are only tolerated if they don’t seek to overturn the social and political order. Therefore, the ruling class in Africa traditionally have had to use state power to generate the missing link of capital and since Labour is also largely from a peasantry background with a little sprinkle of educated and business people, they have had to rely on distributive politics (give a job there, offer money here, give out a reward such as kingdoms and districts there etc) to keep power. The ruling class from this analysis, therefore, is not necessarily defined by family or kinship relations. It is rather defined by the economic interests which determine both the values the ruling class espouses and the power it wields. If my brother Charles cared to invest in some unbiased reflection, he would know I am one good example of those who exposed the ruling class’ pretension at internal democracy. If by family association as he assumes, I get into decision making of the NRM and l, therefore, should carry the responsibility of the performance of some of our leaders, why would President Yoweri Museveni, Generals Kahinda Otafiire, Matayo Kyaligonza, Nalweyiso, Henry Tumukunde, Hon. Dr. Kirunda Kivejinja, HAJI Nadduli, all fall in one camp against my candidature that sought to rebuild the foundations of the Movement? All I asked for was an opportunity to lead the NRM in my region and through sound teaching, prepare our generation to face the challenges of our times? Why were all the ideas we espoused, ideas that sought to restore policy debate about our struggling economy where currently both policy and execution authority is captive in the hands of fat cats at the ministry of finance and not the NRM structures that elected the government, ideas that sought to fix our agricultural systems, design a modern industrial policy for Uganda and making both financial and commodity markets work for the youth, improve the productivity and training of young people and build a better tomorrow; bringing all these ideas into the structures of our party and freeing the party from the current lethargy they are caught in; why were these ideas roundly rejected without even inviting me to CEC to hear them out? I can tell you the reason if you care. It is because I DO NOT belong to the ruling class.

These ideas threatened the very values of the class that has governed us for the last 30 years. I couldn’t touch Mr Kyaligonza without laying naked the ground on which the entire edifice the ruling class sits on! I, therefore, had to be stopped from Proceeding any further. If Charles cared, he wouldn’t have been bitterly opposed to me as he was in that campaign in which he specialised in calling me names. He would instead have known that by continuing to project governance as a family affair as he likes to do, he is narrowing the prism of what would otherwise have been a healthy discourse about what ails our country. He would have known that by opposing me, he was joining the ruling class and ideologically impoverishing the friendly forces of our generation that seek to prepare a better Uganda than we have been given by the older generation. I hope Charles also knows that in distributive politics, both the ruling class and some of those opposed to it tend to share one class when it comes to corruption. As an example, I have known senior FDC leaders who have running tenders and contracts with some of the institutions of government such as the electoral Commission, supposedly by day espousing transparency but at night, sharing the loot from the taxes that many of us pay through our noses.

This means that if Charles were politically mature, he would be joining us on the road to teach and to build a new kind of politics for the country because at the end of the day, when one group removes another, the incoming ones are simply looking for access to government resources to reward their cronies too. Those of us who want to chart a new way must of necessity act differently and together instead of tearing each other apart as a generation. The second aspect I take issues with, is Charles’ use of our generation’s history, the schools we have been fortunate to attend and the lives we have all shared as a group at Makerere, to throw mud at my work and my family. In this, he confirms one of the sayings of the people of Busoga: “Akaliba akendo akabonela ku mukonda” (a sapling of a pumpkin that will make a good gourd is seen when it is still sprouting). In Ankore, the same saying goes: “ekihambo kirakutambire kikubanza obutuutu” (loosely translated, a pumpkin that will be of help to you, gives you the early saplings for a meal in a dry season). Charles doesn’t have a history of good leadership. Instead many of us know him as a squanderer of very many leadership opportunities that came his way. Without going into details, at Makerere, a group of friends of mine convinced me to stand down for him for the position of the guild president that I was preparing to run for. In the interest of the team, I accepted. We all switched support and campaigned hard for Charles on condition that the leadership of our time wouldn’t repeat the mistakes of then outgoing group; that we would work hard to restore genuine student participation in the life of the university and the issues of the country then. On winning the poll, Charles’ first action shocked us all. He diverted UGX7m from the guild account to purchase a car for the “Guild President”. This was never a campaign promise we made to the students in that election. Why would a guild president working on campus for student issues, need a car? Sensing betrayal of our ideals, I worked with some of my colleagues to challenge this decision. This is because we didn’t think a guild leader from a humble background should begin with cars to zoom from one hall of residence to another. We all resigned as a group of student leaders from his government when we realized that this wasn’t the kind of leader we needed for the times we faced. Charles, then went headlong into the service of government after university as a security agent and later, an advisor on politics to the president. The Baganda say “akakyaama amamela bwokagolola kamenyeka”. (What for bent badly at a young age, will break if you straighten it when it is old). I am, therefore, not sure that even under the new politics we seek after, Charles qualifies unless there has been some change in his characteristic diversion of public funds that begun at the university. The Banyankore say “eriisho rirakutemere embiire Ninga enyamwonyo orireeba Kare” (an eye that will do good for you is seen early). We already have an idea about Charles’ leadership skills.

They aren’t anything to write home about. At the risk of drawing comparisons which are absolutely unnecessary today, I would like the reader to know that I had no connections right from my primary school to university other than the grace of God that kept me alive and taught me to work hard and earn every little thing I got and not to beg anyone for anything. When charles worked for the government he now shamelessly accuses me of belonging to simply because of my marriage relations as if government decisions are made by osmosis through marriage, I went to work as an inquisitor and a reporter over the same government. When I realised this wasn’t working, I started a small company to fully utilise my skills and later went back to the little farm that my father left for me in 1999 when he passed on. Together with my Neighbours, we created a small cooperative society to increase milk production and, in due course, we attracted a processing partner for the community’s dairy products. Charles should, therefore, know that it isn’t “luck to have a farm” as he claims. Instead, It is refusing to let my life be defined by peers, social proof and those who see government as the beginning and end of life.

This luck of mine hasn’t come on a silver platter. It comes with staying up 20 hours a day every single day and enduring endless abuses from people like Charles who think lives begin with government raining manna on their heads. It is refusing to be part of the lamentation groups. It is doing whatever I can to make a difference, however small. I am certain Charles too can find his “luck” in Bugangari, where his parents had a farm than suffer dementia that comes with a mid-life crisis in the city as I can now see from his dispatches. And just for the record, it takes an emotional bond with a system to become its spy as Charles was until recently. So, who should have a deeper emotional connection with the NRM and, therefore, responsible for a number of its weakness: Rwabwogo who has never worked for NRM and who has been severally rejected and stopped at all levels and asked to go to LC1 or Rwomushana who spied for the system for long, earned from it and advised its leader at the topmost level of politics? In the end, it is really absurd to live life backwards. St. Paul in the Bible says when he was a baby he did what babies do. When he was a mature person, he did what mature people do. It isn’t entirely the schools we went to that made us who we turned out to be. No. It is rather what was inside of us that we carried to those schools that mattered most.

That which we carried inside our hearts then has either shone brightly with time or deemed so badly along the way for some people. I went to the worst of schools of the time; from a deeply rural Naama as my primary school, to what was called TATA school of Bujaga in Rwampara, to Mbarara school for higher education and eventually made it to the university and on to Europe for a masters degree. To those rural schools and beyond, I am forever deeply indebted for what they contributed to my life whatever shape and form those schools were in. But I also know some people who went to First class schools and haven’t contributed much to their communities and country or turned out well as expected. So, rather than glorifying the past of being a needy student leader and using it as a permanent emotional bargain on people so as to soothe his conscience about a train that has already left the station, Charles should know that comparing the height of midgets doesn’t really lead the measurer anywhere. It is instead what God puts inside the hearts and minds of those midgets and their resolve to live out their purpose that, in the end, really matters and sets people apart. I hope this helps.

Thank you.


Here is a counter punch from Charles Rwomushana, enjoy!

To My good friend Odrek Rwabwogo:

It’s true that Mr Amanya Mushega when he still believed he was an integral part of the NRA occupation viciously attacked me for I had complained about the floor of the Constituent Assembly over the harassment I was facing over my refusal to declare I would stand down for Jim Muhwezi and have Jim Muhwezi coroneted as MP Rujumbura. Amanya Mushega describing me as suffering from schizophrenia was and is still a characteristic way of attacking political dissenters as suffering from all sorts of diseases. The media propaganda, you Odrek run against Mr Besigye was that he was a ware house of all diseases and I remember you vending photos of Besigyes lips that were indeed in bad taste. It was not until Winnie Byanyima and Dr Besigye threatened to reveal all Mr Museveni’s diseases that you dropped that line. Now that Amanya Mushega is a political dissenter, with FDC, if he was to be taken to Butabika, Im sure he would, on the insistence of the NRA Occupation, be admitted in intensive care for acute insanity. Im sure Amanya Mushega regrets why he refused to pay the Late Prof Adonia Tiberondwa’s salary and yet they married from the same family. Amanya Mushega has since realised he was an object and subject in the NRA occupation.
Your propaganda team against Besigye manufactured a rumour, Besigye’s son Anselm had died and was being kept in a fridge and if I may recall pushed Teddy Seezi Cheeye to run that story in the Uganda Confidential. Whereas I agree it’s not in good taste to wish an innocent death, you Odrek Rwabwogo and the Museveni family won’t qualify to preach against that vice. Not only have you wished much death, you actually live on killing them. Your fingers drip of the blood of innocents including toddlers. That certainly explains the excitement the news of the death of your family would generate.

I didn’t generate that rumour.
Not all.
I was only trying to understand how you have broken down society to degenerate to that level of emptying bars on your death rumours.
It’s not society to blame.

You are to blame.

You may wish to recall the celebrations in Goma that followed the rumour of Mr Kagame’s death.
Why does society have that deep and hard hatred against the NRA Occupation? Find out? Does soul search?
Its true there was a vote for the travel of the Guild President. Traditionally, Guild Presidents would travel overseas for tour and conferences. I was given a bill of Four Hundred thousand shillings for the Guild Presidents’ use of the University Vice Chancellors Benz. I also used the Vice Chancellor’s Benz to State House. That Benz belonged to the University Estates Department and unknown to us, it was for Hire. The hire rates and bills were astronomical. I, therefore, suggested that money for travel to Canada be converted into Uganda currency to procure a Guild a car. Remember at the time you wouldn’t get dollars without the Prime Minister’s authorization. That process was only executable by the University administration and not by the student.

The University converted the dollars into Uganda shillings and purchased the Guild Car. The University Administration was a co-signatory to the Guild Account, therefore, there was no way I would have accessed that money without their hand. You may wish to ask the likes of Mao and other Guild presidents who travelled abroad whether they would access the Dollars to buy the Air tickets themselves…? The University Administration would do it.

Therefore it was practically impossible to access that money and steal it. Your usual politics nevertheless, was that the vehicle was personal and that I would take it after my studies. Of course, you were later proved wrong as the vehicle stayed and I’m advised that now most Guild governments have means of transport. The vote was for travel which could be both inland and or abroad. The tasks of carrying Needy Students cash required more travel inland than abroad.

The other silly argument was whether a Needy Student would drive in a car…but you were naively suggesting a Needy Student should fly first Class.

Under my leadership, I was able to provide for my constituency, the Needy Students with transport and upkeep at the University. I looked after students from war-ravaged areas whose parents were in Internally Peoples displaced camps in TESO and Acholi. There were even students whose families had been evicted from Mpokya in Kibale. Note, that I used to pick hard cash from the president and I had no one to account to except the president. My problem with the likes of Rwabwogo is that you wanted me to share with you the money and I refused. And you know I have witnesses to this fact. Mr Odrek, do you remember the meeting we had with Dr Nuwagira our Minister of Health, in Northcote Hall and your various complaints relating to Fox? If you do, surely you would appreciate why I wouldn’t support you to teach Ideology. Certainly, we would be better off with Sam Kutesa in charge of the treasury than Odrek.
Odrek raises an important aspect of the role of the military in governance that ought to be interrogated. In order to avoid a lengthy article, I won’t delve into the genesis of the NRA as an occupation force constructed to seize the Uganda State as a tool for other operations. This NRA was alien and led by the Late Rwigyema, a Rwandese refugee who was later to be the Minister of Defence of Uganda. You may be aware how this army has ravaged DR Congo, Sudan, Central Africa etc. The UN and a host of other African States had to wage war against the NRA to chase it from the DR Congo. The NRA is being rolled out of South Sudan and Central Africa. Most of the NRA imperial schemes have since collapsed and or are meeting stiff resistance from the African consciousness.

This NRA was never constructed to defend the Ugandan population and or guarantee good governance.
Not a t all.
Its Military Doctrine is to dispossess the indigenous population of their land, history, heritage etc and through mass extermination. Initially, the NRA Consensus was epitomised in the NRA High Command. Its this consensus that brought in Mumbere to isolate ADF and Buganda’s Kabaka to isolate the progressive Democratic Party in Buganda.
The NRA High Command consensus collapsed into the family consensus.

This Army is controlled by your family having expunged Amama Mbabazi family from the larger family consensus. The NRA occupation is apparently strangulating Amama Mbabazi economically. It is really beastly. Mr Katumba Wamala was not privy to the butcher of the Bakonjo in Kasese. You did it as a family. Kale is sure the army is full of mafia and Tumukunde is not sure who shot him and what was used to shot his leg.

I will give you a brief narrative to show how volatile the situation is. Rugyendo invited Mrs Janet Kataha as a chief guest at a sports related function. Janet was busy and opted to nominate both Frank Tumwebaze and Mr Muhoozi Kainerugaba to represent her but insisting Muhoozi would be the Chief Guest. Certainly, this would create protocol problems as Frank being a Minister wouldn’t receive Muhoozi. Frank was dropped. There was the problem of Tumukunde, higher in rank to Muhoozi and Minister at that. Tumukunde too evaporated. You have Janet nominating Muhoozi as a mother and Minister. But remember Muhoozi is the functional head of the military. You may wish to check with NTV to establish that its Muhoozi and not Mr Katumba who announced the policy of the withdraw of troops from Central Africa. The character of this army is steeply rooted in that terrible vice prevalent in your larger family, the looting of State properties. A case in point is the looting of Butabika land etc and apparently, gangs decimating our forest cover are guarded by the military.

If there is any rumour that should concern you most, is the rumour of Brenda Karamuzi who was summarised through operative combination. I should leave this at that.
Interest yourself in the murder of Lt Mulindwa who was strangled before his kids…
Lt Shalita who took more than six hours between Kiira road Police and Mulago Hospital.

There are certain rights as a man that you can’t enjoy courtesy of the NRA Occupation. I tell you, you have no right to polygamy. If you are a man try it. They say if you want a Muhima lady to remove her sun glasses during a funeral, show her the co-wife. How many times have you seen Uncle go to Buyanja for Rwabitomize’s birthday parties? But he is Sabarwanyi. On some aspects, he moves slowly. Didn’t you see Jim Muhwezi receive orders not to attend the weeding of his daughter but was instead dragged to Ben Kavuya son wedding? Jim Muhwezi doubles as a Major General In the Occupation NRA. You thought you were human deserving of dignity in the occupation? Forget. You are an object. Ori akanumi. You are simply aka bull and disposable. I saw that with Saddam Hussein in-laws. They were executed.
The danger is that these vicious women who won’t let their husbands enjoy polygamy are now in charge of the NRA that has turned murderous.

I sympathised with Matayo Kyarigonza because Mr Museveni was simply using you to finish him. On regularised military ranks, we only had four Brigadiers; Taddeo Kanyankole, Kyarigonza, Tinyefuza and Joram Mugume. Taddeo Kanyankole has killed a pauper and Wafula Ogutu is my witness. I converted my small Corona to do Special Hire to feed Kanyankole’s kids. Kanyankole was denied admission into Mulago Hospital. Tinyefuza is groaning. Joram Mugume, I hear is in charge of Army Land looking after anthills. They were now using you to finish Kyarigonza. I dissented.
Finally, I agree with you that the NRA State is corrupt. Certainly the FDC, the NRA offshoot cant be an angel. This Electoral Commission where massive looting is ongoing between the NRA and FDC is a property of your family too. Sam Rwakoojo is courtesy of Sam Kutesa who was married to the Sister of your mother-in-law and father-in-law to your brother-in-law. Sometimes your relationships can be scientific. Note that Rwakoojo wife Robinnah Rwakoojo is deployed where contracts are approved and signed .the Solicitor General office. I’m privy to Rwakakamba drawing proposals to loot Global Fund cash and instead the net took Cheeye certainly because of the Kagondoki story. Rwakakamba has since been given Engooha( ticks) to eat. You Rwabwogo was in the proximity of deals of advertising with CNN mbu Uganda gifted by Nature. I won’t ask for the procurement process of that deal. You organised several Youth Conventions in Billions of shillings certainly because of your family linkages. We initially failed you from looting UBC properties and I’m now told, the eagle that you, you have landed properly.

Therefore, the ideology of the NRA is to loot the State and politics of exclusion. Is that the ideology you wish to teach to our young people?
You people looted UCB, swallowed Kigundu Greenland properties etc a volcano is almost erupting between you and the Sudhir economic empire etc and you are using the army to sustain the swag.
I see on your shirt some inscription mbu Twehonge. Twohonge is a Runyankole word that means to submit to slavery and be used to do anything. I have a conscious and therefore cant Kwehonga. We honge alone.

Compiled by UG-DP Publicity team

Stop the mass  killings of Ugandans in  Kasese by Museveni !

Warning the images are to graphic!


Today, all eyes are on Uganda, and so they must be – There is a NEW AFRICAN GENOCIDE in the making. And all thanks to Mr Yoweri Museveni, the ruthless dictator who has ruled this East African nation with an iron feast for over 3 decades.


Ninth month after the elections in Uganda, Kasese a town at the footsteps of Rwenzori mountains a region commonly known as the Rwenzuru kingdom in Uganda continues to be plunged in an endless circle of state-orchestrated violence against the kingdom and its subjects.

The social media in Uganda has been recently awash with gory images of victims of extra-judicial killing by the members of Uganda state security. Museveni and his security men have been trying to frame Charles Mumbere for a very long time for harbouring a secessionist ambition, as an excuse to justify military action against the population, who recently overwhelmingly rejected the ruling party by voting 100% for Forum for Democratic Change party in Uganda (FDC). To the regime this is criminal and the region has seen been rewarded with state sponsored violence and the massacres can qualify to the levels proportionate to a genocide. Reports after a report by show that the Uganda government and its security services have been mishandling the security in the Rwenzori Region and implicated in gross human rights abuses against the people in the region.


In a bid to divert attention from a worsening political and security situation in the country, Mr Museveni ordered an all-out military assault on the Rwenzururu Kingdom in Western Uganda. Besides arresting the King, Charles Wesley Mumbere, and the Queen, the Palace was set on fire, followed by what is, without a doubt, a callous massacre and humiliation of the King’s subjects.


In addition to the killings, reports and photographic evidence from the region indicate a barbarism of unimaginable scale, inform organised acts of human degradation by Museveni’s security forces.


In one photograph, a large number of women who were found working in the King’s Palace are seen lined up after being stripped naked stark, with their hands tied behind their backs. These women were not only brutalised, but, in a manner that has become characteristic in Museveni’s Uganda, they were totally humiliated, with some reports suggesting that they were then taken away to unknown destinations, possibly to be raped by Museveni regime operatives.


The Bloodshed in Kasese district was as a result of the government security forces (the UPDF and Uganda police) carrying out operations in Kasese district and summarily killing unarmed civilians. Their actions forced the locals in some parts of the district to retaliate with force to defend themselves and their Kingdom. Armed with rudimentary tools they attempted to fend off a ruthless and merciless combined force of police and UPDF, totalling to over 600 men supported with artillery and armoured vehicles with powerful machine guns. They stormed the palace through the roof and killed 32 guards of the 40 royal guards. The consequences were bodies littered in the streets of Kasese, after that the government security forces went on a rampage of indiscriminate shooting of its citizens in Kasese.

The media houses were completely locked out during the operation, upon realising the massive crimes against humanity they have committed in Kasese, the regime security elements gathered the hundreds of bodies of hacked, burnt, mutilated and shot victims .The others  the security tried to cover up the crime by washing the blood spill around the palace and some of the killed civilians were hastily dressed  in police uniform to justify the use of violence in attacking the palace, the evidence is that underneath the alleged attackers visibly wore civilian clothes.


This the point they invited journalists to the scene to cover only filtered information, but by sheer lack Joy Doreen Biira a journalist working with Kenya Television Network who was in Kasese for her traditional wedding, filmed the incidences and shared the photos and videos of the fighting on her social media account. She soon was arrested together with four other journalists’ and charged with the offences of ‘abetting terrorism’ by the Uganda police under case file SD ref 61/27/11/016.


Brig Peter Elwelu, the UPDF 2nd Division Commander defended the army’s attack on the palace, calling them terrorist and this begs more answers, the questions are? Is the journalist terrorist or enemies of the state in Uganda?


The police spokesperson Andrew Felix Kaweesi also defended the shoot-to-kill policy in the Rwenzori region, police said yesterday.

“The government security forces will do whatever it takes to ensure that all criminal elements are put out of action. And there is no doubt, no joking around. Anybody who attacks our security forces will be just put out of action before he kills our security personnel,” he said. We deserve answers to this puzzle of the security attacking the palace and virtually destroying everything including the structures to turn around and claim the 40 poorly armed local guards can attack 600 well-armed soldiers.


The regime is oblivious of the fact when you directly attack the palace of His Majesty King Charles Wisely Number you are speaking volumes to the people who believe in him, an attack on this institution is not only an attack on their cultural identity but also an attack on the entire community worldwide this can only breed a lot of underground violence.


Their attempt before to link His Majesty King Charles Wisely Mumbere to fermenting tribal conflict in the region fell flat on its face and this can only indicate the regime is waging a protracted revenge of killings, torture, and exacting gross violation of human rights so as to coerce support.



Follow the news links here below to some of the stories from the area:

The Star, Kenya

Possible Massacre in Kasese Uganda

The Independent, UK

Fox News, US:

Daily Mail, UK / the East African:

Uganda: 55 Killed in Uganda Clashes

Daily Nation, Nairobi:

14 police officers and 41 Ruwenzori assailants killed in Kasese clashes


It is time for all Ugandans, as well as Africa and the world at large, to wake up and act to save a nation that is sliding into the abyss. Uganda is bleeding because of Mr Museveni’s military coup in February 2016, when he forcefully grabbed power from the winning candidate in the Ugandan national elections, Dr Kizza Besigye.


Now that the whole country has rejected him, Museveni has resorted to using extreme violence as a tool for subjugating the Ugandan Populace.The security services must be reminded of their Constitutional obligation and must be told to operate within the law.


Written by Atocon Moses for UG-DP10 & Dr Vincent Magombe for FREE UGANDA



Without a doubt 2016 will go down in history as an odd year- speaking politically; a year in which we have witnessed unusual or bizarre political shift, unseen in centuries and not even since political civilisation.

At any point in our history, people have predicted with near accuracy political trends to the people that political analysts have paid no attention to voters changing appetite for the status quo. In truth, there has been complacency.

Politicians have become so powerful, larger than life to the point that they have completely detached themselves from the people that give them political power. Politicians are quick to proclaim how they derive their power from God but forget that the same God gave voters the wisdom to make good, right or bad decisions.

The politicians have expectedly become presumptive. Big mistake. This year, people have decided to reclaim the power from the ruling political class and applied their wisdom to set a stage for new world order. The people are rewriting history.

The ruling political have been shaken and shaken hard. In Britain, the rebirth of nationalism forced a vote that ultimately forced the former empire out of European Union. It was a wake-up call.

In the East Midlands England, a team Leicester FC promoted to the Premier League from the football league championship in 2014 upset the mighty clubs and went on to be crowned Premier League champions.

In continental Europe, there is a resurgence of far-right political parties, unseen in the last the last 70 years. Since 2010, the rise of populist parties have rattled the exclusive political class have worked tirelessly for decades to create a secular central command. Not anymore.

Europe’s are wary. They have every reason to be afraid of the people they have dominated for so many years.The toxic combination of the most prolonged period of economic stagnation and the worst refugee crisis since the end of the Second World War has seen the far-Right surging across the continent, from Athens to Amsterdam and many points in between.

In the USA, Donald Trump, clearly a Washington outsider, beat all odds to become the 45th President of the free nation. Trump’s win was remarkable. He has never held any political office. The political class was against, the media was against him, corporate America was against him. He was a loner but silent Americans trusted him with Superpowers nuclear codes.

In Uganda, the voting trends have been against Mr. Yoweri Museveni but Museveni’s obsession with the use of violence to satisfy his political appetite meant that he has had to use guns to impose himself on people that rejected him in the ballot box. People voting against Museveni overwhelming might have come as a shock to him, but more shocking is the unwavering opposition his political hegemony is the biggest shock.

While in a free world, the political class has unwittingly accepted to deal with their exploitation, in dictatorships like Uganda, the dictator decides to move against the people that oppose him. Museveni would rather struggle with legitimacy problems than lay down arms and surrender to the will of the people.

Therefore all attempts to repair his image after the 2016 shock are in futility. He knows it. Museveni must listen to the ordinary folks and stop taking them for granted. He has no choice. The free world has learned that the people have only to right- right to vote and that right to vote can change the destiny of a nation.

The vote is now the only weapon against social ,economic and political injustices.

Article was published @Katonga Express

IGP General Kale Kayihura`s Ploy Leaks.


Our intelligence has again unearthed a plot to liquidate president Kizza Besigye and Lord mayor Erias Lukwago.The credible information was supplied by an insider well versed with this plot. IGP general Kale Kayihura is in absolute command of this operation with the full backing of the Museveni inner circle, this mission will be executed at the end of January 2017.

The plot involves a secret group of specialized police assassins who are almost concluding a grilling training in Somalia and soon to be passed.The well-calculated plan will have these hitmen embedded in the public wearing FDC’s Tshirts to masquerade as vibrant supporters of FDC. The first phase of the plan is already in process , Kayihura has already deployed many inexperienced police cadet officers in and around Kampala to closely monitor the movements of key figures and allies of the people’s president Dr. Kizza Besigye .


Part of the well-choreographed plan is to generate enough commotion on the streets to give these snipers opportunity to assassinate president Besigye and blame it on the inexperience of the rookie police officers on duty.Already last week alone when some high-placed members of the people’s government were brutally arrested and physically molested by the rookie police officers,one of them innocently divulged the information that they are now going to accomplish the tasks that their senior and experienced colleagues resisted executing.

Details of the assassins,
6 policewomen training with UPDF in Mogadishu in specifically undergoing, physiological training , operations of an armored vehicle in which they will be concealed in every time to trail their targets. .They are set to return by the end of November and as I have mentioned the mission will be executed in January 2017.Around about that time, Museveni will either be out of the country or travel inland at the time of execution of this mission.

I am calling upon citizens and defenders of our leaders to remain very vigilant and register all new faces who will feign as our supporters.In the aftermath of leaking, this ploy the Observer newspaper published a similar story: The steamy report in intelligence circle that got to our desk two days ago was that the Ugandan Government had mooted a plot to eventually eliminate Dr. Kizza Besigye. Insiders from both the Police Academy and from other circles described a detailed plot that involved training special commandos and planting them in FDC crowds or any KB future street matches to kill him. We spent time verifying the information and indeed, we found that the plot was not far-fetched. W

When Atocon Moses eventually released the information, naysayers were hell bent on distortion as usual, without bothering to investigate and question the story. It is traditional that we instinctively deny what we do not know or what we feel threatens our status quo, not so? Now listen to this, The Observer picked up a similar story and wrote a stunning headline: Commandos to Tame Dr. Besigye. This morning, afternoon in East Africa, the Observer is offline. We are wondering, could it be a genuine server failure or UCC clampdown? The truth will absolve us. Nevertheless, any attempts on the life or persons of the President of the People will draw harsh backlashes with spasmodic consequences unseen in modern day Uganda.

The blood of our President shall re-write the history of this country by watering a forest of unity in defiance. Thank you to our insiders and informants. We shall keep Ugandans informed of all the dirty tricks. 

In the meantime, we call upon the public to help us in face recognition and naming of all Police officers involved in a violation of human rights. There are the new recruits from Masindi who are these days deployed at KB’s home. These people are ruthless, they strangle women and children, have a propensity for wearing suits and coats, and are mindless in their new trade. Let us identify them and bring them individually to the books.

Uganda Diaspora P10 Publicity Team.



When Prophets speak, no one listens to them because of their very nature of modesty as the messenger.

See, the moment we failed to build a society of shared dreams then we implicitly, each one of us was motivated to want to go it alone.(individual merit)

We lost appetite for ORGANIZATION. Cooperatives which were the nerve center of citizen participation and production organization were dismantled. This disrupted commodity chains hoping markets were perfect solutions. We woke to the reality that individual markets access and linkages were tall order. Farmer retreated to subsistence agriculture as the motivation to produce for markets was no longer viable.

Everybody was made to think they alone, can go up to the “economic moon” through political galaxies of SIASA or AIR SUPPLY. All little young people joining University were taken to play with guns in a program whose results to date are not here nor there.

A poor country cannot develop without the charisma and foresight of its leaders. The people need direction to lessen the burden without taking away their individual responsibility. Policy & structural direction & institutionalized discipline to follow through strategic plans(National Development Plans).

38million poor are a serious problem. In 20 years they will be 70million poor people. You might think this is far fetched but 30 years ago, many young people in their 30s were sold hope and today in their 60s are scratching their gray-haired scalp watching their educated children jobless and in despair. Many of them had hoped their children to be their “insurance” policy but alas the children are stuck in their “economic pampers” in their 30s.

I have written many times about a military program that has bled many economic opportunities grinding our economy to a halt. You can go on mountaintops and shout how things are okay but the truth is it is horrible. In fact, those shouting everything is okay are individuals with questionable ambition.

In 2002, at the small join in Tororo, I shared my insights about the economy and the way it is being governed and I argued then and now that unless there is discipline from the top all the way down, Ugandans are floating on water like a water cabbage.

I know my old man Mr.Museveni is very physically exhausted now and certainly still hoping to be the ONLY man who will take Uganda to middle-income status in 2017 as he promised.

But we have systematically decimated the few nascent institutions and failed to build and strengthen others. We have created more enemies in the region than economic frontiers to expand regional trade.

Instead of regional countries coming together to help Congo develop her energy potential for export to power up smaller economies, they have been militarily attacking and raping. Unlike R.Nile constantly creating headache between upstream countries with Egypt, R.Congo with over 200,000MW of energy potential has no quarrels. Who would attack and rape Congo if they have invested money to generate electricity in Zaire? Instead for donkey years rather export economic diplomacy, they have been exporting wars.

During a cabinet meeting Kyankwazi after the stolen sham election, the Kisanja Hakuna Mchezo was born. From the retreat, news came out that a Malaysian Minister of Transformation informed the cabinet to their shock that:

1) It is good to have PLANS

2) It is even better to ensure the plans are IMPLEMENTED for results.

What he meant was that PLANNING is a building block, EXECUTING the plan and having the commitment to be held ACCOUNTABLE the results is part of the competitive advantage process which keeps high performing teams and organizations at the top.

I am not writing this for politics. I have always been a PATRIOT who believes in building a vibrant society in which every young man and woman can unleash his/her talent for our collective benefit.

The economy of Uganda will not grow through prayer and worship. God will not drop mana from heaven. Uganda has been given all the tools and resources to be successful and the people have to make choices.

The leaders are very clueless. The people have run low on ambition and everyone including Sudhir Ruparelia now shaking his head.

Don’t say I did not warn you. You keep defending your corrupt relatives stealing public money but the moment age catches up with you when you have no social base to rely on for your old frame, ask your parents what they would do different if their age was run back to 30.

Shaka Robert also was known as Gen. Maverick.





“I thank the government of North Korea. They always give us technical support. There are people who are happy with them but I have not seen any problem with them. They trained our first tank crew, they trained our Special Forces, …..”(Museveni: during the pass out of North Korea trained Police at Masindi, April 2014.)


North Korea’s relations with Uganda date as far back as the early 1960s when diplomatic ties were established immediately after independence. At the time, North Korea was offering free higher technical and specialist education, arms and finance to a number of African countries like Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, etc who were struggling for their independence and the fight against Apartheid in South Africa. Museveni while in exile in Tanzania in the early 1979s traveled to North Korea for guerrilla training. Milton Obote’s 1st and 2nd governments received military support from North Korea. In 1981, Obote made a goodwill visit to North Korea where he signed cooperation agreements in technology, economy and cultural areas. North Korea agreed to deploy a military team of 30 military officers to manage the equipment maintenance project and infantry training based in Gulu. These experts trained a specialized unit of the UNLA dubbed Crack Unit based at Nakasongola. In November 1984, 200 North Korean troops arrived in Uganda to boost the UNLA’s Crack Unit. It carried out combat operations against Museveni’s NRA insurgents in the Luwero triangle. It gave the NRA a rough time and 3 Koreans lost their lives in action. They left Uganda in September 1985 following the overthrow of Obote by the Okellos in July 1985.

When Museveni took over in January 1986, he adopted quite a number of military equipments that had been supplied by North Korea to the UNLA thus he had to request for experts from North Korea to come and train his men on this machines. In 1987, Museveni made his first official visit to North Korea. Following the visit, North Korea provided Uganda with a military loan worth US$ 4M, 40 military advisors, and 150 NRA military personnel participated in a joint military exercise with North Korea. A consignment of weapons consisting of Surface to Air Missiles, eight truck mounted rocket launchers, sixty Anti-Aircraft guns, ten Armored Personnel Carriers (APC), unknown amount of ammunitions was despatched from North Korea and offloaded at Dar Is Salaam port before being transported to Uganda. Korean experts conducted the first formal Military Intelligence course at Kireka barracks during that same period. The graduates of that course are currently the senior military and intelligence officers in both Rwanda and Uganda. In 1989, a batter trade deal worth US$4.2M of military weapons and clothing in exchange for coffee beans and cotton from Uganda was signed. DDelivery of military equipments and clothing from North Korea continued into the early 1990s. North Korea has been assisting the Uganda Police with training in martial arts, specialised units and martial arts since 1988.

Since coming to power, Museveni has visited North Korea for three times. In June 2013, a high delegation from North Korea led by the Deputy Minister of People’s Security visited Uganda. They inspected the Police training that was being conducted by the North Koreans where the visiting Deputy Minister was photographed holding a tear gas canister launcher in the company of Police Chief, Kayihura. During the same visit, mutual cooperation agreements were signed for among others, the construction of housing units for the Police. In October 2014, North Korea’s ceremonial leader, Kim Yong Nam visited Uganda and during the State banquet, Museveni praised North Korea for its “prominent role in fighting imperialism.” He added that North Korea had helped by training Uganda’s Mechanized Units and Air force. During the four days visit, the two countries signed an MOU on bilateral cooperation. In the same year, Museveni hypocritically refused the International Kim Il Sung Award that North Korea had offered him.


Since 2005, Uganda had abstained from voting against all the nine UN General Assembly resolutions over North Korea’s poor human rights record. The UN eventually imposed sanctions on North Korea over its nuclear test and ballistic missile launch. Despite the sanctions, Uganda continued with its military dealings with Uganda – military and police training, weapon transfer, weapon repair and servicing, establishment of a small arms factory at Nakasongola, supplying of repressive police equipments, etc. 45 North Korea security experts are training the Police in Masindi. Until 2007, Uganda had refused to have its Nakasongo Army Factory to be inspected by international experts and even when it did its only the ammunitions production line that was viewed. Uganda is suspected to have acquired man portable air defense system from North Korea. In April 2016, a report by a global think tank, USIDS listed Uganda as one of the six countries that seemed not to be ready to cut military ties with North Korea.


Besides training with the military, North Korea also trains Ugandan Police officers. Recent reports suggested that Uganda was buying anti-riot gas and gear from the Asian country.In 2013 North Korea provided military support to Uganda in terms of both loans and ammunition. In 1987, it gave the military a $4 million loan and also sent 40 military advisers to Uganda, according to a recent report by the East African.Also in 1989, President Museveni exchanged coffee and cotton for weapons from DPRK.

The Museveni regime has a special bond with North Korea that can not be easily done away with. The two regines share all the characteristics of a military dictatorship, despotic leadership, political repression, totalitarianism, worst abuse of human rights, ecc. All the repressive schemes that have kept his regime in power have been supported by North Korea. Given the current political situation in Uganda, Museveni needs North Korea now more than ever before. Its newfound friendship in the South Korea comes at a time when Museveni is all out to fight the so called “western imperialism” and North Korea is his No. 1 ally in this war. Therefore, Museveni is at his survival games once again and this time around adding South Korea on the list of countries that he has always blackmailed. In his estimates, he thinks that by declaring a hoax disengagement with North Korea and engaging with South Korea, he will win back favors from the West. There is no doubt Museveni will secretly continue to to get military aid from North Korea. South Korea only needs to watch its back.


By Sarah Nalukenge

Devils Advocates.

Devils Advocates.




The Pentagon, which is the epicenter of the US Department of Defense, is historically known for playing the devil’s advocate in order to stunt the growth of democracy in most third world countries. As a matter of fact, there has been an increasing silent feud between the State Department (foreign policy) and the Pentagon (Defense). The conflicts are over the decisions on supplying military aid to autocratic leaders; the Pentagon is at the forefront of equipping and training the soldiers of these strong men to fight against terrorism. The absurd thing is most of these allies are African leaders with spotty human rights records such as Uganda, this contradicts the broader U.S. interests, such as promoting human rights.


The state department rightly says so military-led programs, without adequate input from the State Department, can overlook key human rights or governance concerns. In practice, the Defense Department often executes even programs that are primarily State Department authorities.


A case, for example, the demagogue dictator Yoweri Museveni  ,who  seized control of power through force and transformed himself into a constitutional dictator, by virtue of clinging in office through fraudulent and  severely restricted elections, which are organized by his puppets in  the military junta as they control the whole electoral process. This dictator has been consistently shielded by his allies in the Pentagon; the defense department continues to view Museveni as a dependable ally in the fight against Islamic extremism. Most of the time the state department has clashed with the Pentagon over what action to take against Yoweri Museveni, whose governance record has been criticized by senior Washington officials.


Amidst all the feuds, I have variously read opinions from our brothers across Africa scolding President Obama for not doing enough to promote democracy and good governance practices in the continent. However to me, I exonerate Obama from all these voices of accusation because for example Museveni has not enjoyed much warmth from the administration of Barrack Obama, who has always talked tough on long-serving African leaders.  Obama speeches in the African Union and Berlin are just a testimony of his open criticism of leaders who extend their tenure in office by tinkering with the law of presidential term limits. Secondly, the way the institutional systems are set up in developed democracies makes it impossible for the president to trespass on the mandates of the ministers.

Therefore the buck squarely  stops at the doors of the defense department for their double standards ,if you dig deeper, the US Defense department is recklessly anti-democratic .If you carried a quick survey of all the world’s most repressive dictators ,you will discover that they have been friends of the US defense dept. Tyrants, torturers, killers, and sundry dictators and corrupt puppet-presidents have been aided, supported, and rewarded handsomely for their loyalty to US security interests. Traditional dictators seize control through their close friends with the Pentagon. They are commonly referred as “friendly dictators”.


Some of the known “Friendly dictators” include; Yoweri Museveni-Uganda ,Salva Kiir-South Sudan,Hussien Mubarak-Egypt,Erdaudo Do Santos-Angola,Marcos, Mobutu SeseSeko –Zaire, Noriega, General Manuel –Panama, Pinochet, General Augusto—Chile,Pol Pot-Cambodia ,Suharto, General-Indonesia,Musharraf –Pakistan, Paul Kagame-Rwanda, Obiang- Equatorial Guinea. The characteristics of these dictators are; their troops receive training and advice from the CIA and other US agencies. Supplied with US military aid and weapons sales to strengthen their armies and guarantee their hold on power. Recently it has been reported in the media that the US government has supplied Museveni`s pet boy the UPDF (Uganda People`s Defence Forces) with 5 brand new attack Helicopters. Frankly, I find it dishonest and insulting to Ugandans for the dictator who has overstayed his welcome to be supplied with these attack helicopters at this material time! When the situation in the country and the region is still very volatile.

In Uganda these sophisticated war machines have not been used to combat any internal terrorism or external aggression but rather for the purposes of  intimidating and harassing the regime’s political opponents, most times Ugandans have witnessed the deployment of heavy artilleries, Air force, Armored vehicles and Infantry soldiers in the streets of the city, towns, and villages. While the economy deteriorates and the majority of Ugandans are wallowing in poverty, the defense department has assumed the roles of the big cheerleader for the repressive Museveni regime.

Bottom line promotion of human rights and democratic governance should be central to the US foreign policy, as long as the United States maintains such blatant double standards, U.S. credibility as a defender of human rights and free elections is seriously compromised and thereby plays right into the hands of autocrats and demagogues like Yoweri Museveni.


The Author is Moses Atocon

A Ugandan Political Activist.

Dead dreams of a Nation



As a child, I overheard the utopia of Mr. Museveni rattling to us through our then black and white Tactic televisions set, courtesy of UTV (UGANDA TELEVISION). In the 90s, Museveni had a dream. Like every revolutionary theorist, the President dreamt of an industrialized Uganda, moving the economy from a primitive feudal stage to a modern industrialized stage. The 90s paled through a major paradigm shift –i.e. the structural adjustment program (SAP), a neo-liberal agenda that arm-twisted Mr. Museveni into privatizing the economy and retrenching workers. The most difficult, and yet memorable years of the Museveni’s era were the period 1992 – 1996. The year 1996 was the year that a brilliant dream suffered a natural death.


I am still intending to gather the courage to write a book, titled: “The Ten Commandments of Failure”. That book will provide a correlation of empirical evidence, to demonstrate how the NRM’s so-called socio-economic transformation blueprint, the Ten-Point program became the commandments of failure. Respectfully, Dr. Frederick Golooba Mutebi a former don at Makerere University has already done a substantial amount of work in this field. However, I feel it is inconclusive and this is where I will work to complete the presentation of this oddity.


A few days ago, I was prompted via my social media accounts about a strong presence of the Special Forces Command (SFC) a unit mandated with the protection of the president on Binaisa Road in Kampala. Apparently, the President was there for a full 8 hours to officiate at the opening ceremony of a Shs 1.8million (US$534) car washing bay.  This is the level of “industrialization” that was dreamt of in the late 80s and 90s. The presence of the President in this neighborhood meant that businesses closed for his personal security. These days, the distance between the President and the people of Uganda is so wide that his security now closes the entire length of Entebbe Road (34kms) when he is using it. Imagine what could have happened to the businesses on the entire length of Binaisa Road and neighboring areas that day. Certainly, one can imagine losing more than Shs 2 million per trader along that lane, and the adjacent lanes. But those are the cost of sustaining an illegitimate regime in place.


What then shocked me the most was not the Shs 100 million blank check pledge made by the dictator. It was the two snow-blowing machines that the dictator donated to the washing bay. I was shocked that the whole President of Uganda could attend the opening of a Car washing bay in the heart of the City while the Kenyan President, was signing a deal with Volkswagen for an assembly plant to be launched in Kenya. Already, Kenya’s industrial prospects are promising. Many bus companies informed me that their Buses are fabricated in Kenya while the chassis came from Sweden or Japan. That is tangible progress.


So, here we are, as a country thirty years after the pseudo revolution and we are still an economically backward country (an economic term to mean not industrialized). I have referred to the NRM so-called 1980-revolution as a “pseudo-revolution” because, in my view, it was typical. Most revolutions have emerged over land related inequalities or disputes, not a mere excuse of electoral frauds. After all, the Museveni-era electoral frauds since 1996 are of Guinness book record proportions. It is such inherent contradictions and obscurantism that pervades our politics today; that nothing works in our society, and yet the government says it works.


It is, therefore, comprehensible that the most legitimate era of the NRM milieu ended in the period preceding 1996. After 1996 it was and shall remain a trial and era period that has caused Uganda and Ugandans enormous social, economic and political problems. To remedy these may take another 30 years or more. There are no more dreams for industrialization, economic equality or social justice under this regime. The Private sector craze has already subordinated the Uganda economy to foreign investors. The indigenous Ugandans are back to the pre-Idi Amin Dada where the Indians monopolized commerce and trade and pitifully enslaved Ugandans.


If the president can spend 8 hours opening a car-washing bay worth Shs 1.8millions, all we can conclude is that this regime is in a self-sustaining mode, and nothing other. As long as the Police and the Military can subdue the opposition, we shall see more of the President attending small and inconsequential ventures such as brewing Lira Lira or Ajono in the villages. We are back to zero, and a call for a revolution is inevitable.





Written by UG-DP10 Publicity team.